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Cake day: 2025年6月10日

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  • Well, I know more about Morocco than the rest of North Africa, and I can tell you that the Berber language & culture were actively repressed and Berbers were excluded from various aspects of public life there through the 20th century, even after Morocco’s independence from France. Berbers still have a lower socioeconomic status and a lack of political representation. Moroccans are fairly mixed, racially speaking, so it’s a less extreme version of the racialized class divide you see in the US, Canada, Israel, Australia, South Africa, etc.

    Really I’d take the original comment as a joke, but taking it seriously you have to consider that this is a story that happens over and over again in our history, and really the only thing that heals these wounds is just centuries and centuries of time. Should we go all “land back” for the Amazigh? I dunno. I’m just a dumb American.



  • Now, granted, the OP didn’t say anything about corporatism, which was originally developed as a comprehensive ideology under Italian fascism. However, it’s not as simple as in the OP - “corporate power protected” and “labor power suppressed”. In fascism, both corporate and labor power are subservient to the state, and fascist corporatism involved the input of both private industrial interests and labor interests. Ultimately it was the state making the decisions, though. I suppose it’s important to remember that fascism arose as a response to class conflict in the aftermath of the industrial revolution - a third way between bourgeois liberalism and communism. In this sense, the point was to establish an equilibrium between capital and labor. Corporatism was the means to that end. In fascism, in practice, this often meant that capital simply colluded with the state, and left-radicalism in labor was violently stamped out so the workers could be brought to heel. Workers were then treated quite well, assuming they didn’t run afoul of the state because they belonged to one of the many groups that fascists considered enemies.

    Many European nations still practice forms of corporatism, although today the state is more like an equal partner to the other parties. So I guess my point is that corporatism is not distinctly fascist, despite developing under fascism.





  • The Big Dig in Boston began planning phases in 1982, and was estimated at $2.8 billion in 1985. It was scheduled to be completed in 1998, but was actually completed in 2007 at a cost of $21.5 billion. From original conception to completion, that’s 25 years and a 768% cost increase (289% adjusted for inflation).

    That seems eggregious until you realize the economic impact eclipses the original costs by an order of magnitude via development of the Seaport, North Station, Cambridge Crossing, Assembly Square, Fenway, and Allston, not to mention the health impact of replacing a traffic-snarled viaduct in the heart of the city with 30 acres of parks.

    As a disclaimer, I also realize that the Big Dig was almost exclusively a highway capacity project. I’m not saying that it was an ideal project in that respect. I’m also not saying that we should ignore the corruption, safety issues, and cost & time overruns, but if we can all agree that these projects are worth doing even if it’s an ugly process, maybe we get fewer overruns and the process is a little less ugly. The cynicism and pessimism that we approach mega projects with is, IMO, part of the problem.